{"id":1556,"date":"2019-10-20T18:34:42","date_gmt":"2019-10-20T15:34:42","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/?p=1556"},"modified":"2019-10-20T18:44:28","modified_gmt":"2019-10-20T15:44:28","slug":"the-struggle-of-civil-society-in-laos-kansalaisyhteiskunnan-kamppailu-laosissa","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/?p=1556","title":{"rendered":"Experience: The struggle of Civil Society in Laos\/Kansalaisyhteiskunnan kamppailu Laosissa"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>By Dr Sabaheta Ramcilovic-Suominen, Researcher, Natural Resources Institute Finland (Luke)<\/p>\n<p>(Finnish version below)<\/p>\n<p>When I for the first time found myself in Vientiane, I was searching for the city I had read about. The Vientiane I saw in the pictures and heard of in the stories \u2013 a tranquil \u2018village\u2019, with calm wide streets and green parks \u2013 that Vientiane was difficult to find. The development with its Vietnamese and Chinese hotels and large expensive cars have transformed the narrow charming streets, into noisy and crowded ones. This change is a result of foreign investment in the last decade or two.<\/p>\n<p>A more recent and sudden change, was a renewed enthusiasm and hope in transparency, freedom of speech, and most importantly \u2013 a rise of domestic civil society. Until 2009, the law did not support formation of Lao civil society organsiations (CSOs). In 2012, a prominent civil society activist was abducted; last seen entering a police car on the street of Vientiane. In 2013, the then-president of Laos Choummaly Sayason called for <em>\u201cstrictly controlling the groups (\u2026), because they could destroy our country through nonviolent means\u201d.<\/em> Yet, four years later, the country had found strength to hope again. People, local and development workers were excited to tell me that: <em>\u201cthe New Government is honest in its intention to change.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>As I am browsing through the new, densely written \u201cDecree on Associations\u201d on Lao CSOs enacted in August 2017, I cannot but wonder how wrong we were to believe in the change. Associations working on human rights and advocacy do not fall in one of the three categories allowed to be registered, and therefore to exist. Associations need an approval from two ministries for every step \u2013 from establishment, to mobilisation and acceptance of funds, interactions with international organisations, reporting, and so forth. They are <em>\u201cregulated, supervised, coordinated and inspected\u201d,<\/em> by thirteen governmental establishments. Establishment of an association can in best case take six to ten months. This is particularly bizarre since these registrations are valid for one year only, after which renewal of registration is needed.<\/p>\n<p>This happens in the presence of international development partners, including UN, EU and WB. Unlike smaller, less powerful development partners who tried to use their limited influence to address the issue, the larger ones did less so. With the US political crisis and the EU\u2019s turmoil with migration and various internal divisions, the democracy-based development model promoted by Western development partners is increasingly questioned by the regional governments, including the Lao. The crackdown on civil society in Laos, as in the wider region, may therefore indicate that these countries could be seeing China or Russia as alternative models of governance. Being quiet therefore may not be the worst strategy of the Western development partners, if the alternative is \u201cleave and take your democracy with you\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Kansalaisyhteiskunnan kamppailu Laosissa<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Kun olin ensimm\u00e4ist\u00e4 kertaa Vientianess\u00e4, etsein sit\u00e4 kaupunkia josta olin lukenut, kuullut tarinoita ja n\u00e4hnyt kuvia \u2013 sit\u00e4 rauhallista \u201dkyl\u00e4\u00e4\u201d rauhallisine leveine katuineen ja vihreine puistoineen oli vaikea l\u00f6yt\u00e4\u00e4. Kehitys Vietnamilaisine ja Kiinalaisine hotelleineen, suurine kalliine autoineen, oli muuttanut kutsuvat kadut meluisiksi ja ahtaiksi. T\u00e4m\u00e4 on parin viime vuosikymmenen ulkomaisten sijoitusten aikaansaannosta.<\/p>\n<p>Tuoreempi ja \u00e4killisempi muutos oli uudistunut innostus ja toivo l\u00e4pin\u00e4kyvyydest\u00e4, sananvapaudesta ja t\u00e4rkeimp\u00e4n\u00e4 \u2013 kotoper\u00e4isen kansalaisyhteiskunnan noususta. Vuoteen 2009 asti, laki ei sallinut laolaisia kansalaisj\u00e4rjest\u00f6j\u00e4. Vuonna 2012 merkitt\u00e4v\u00e4 laolainen kansalaisaktivisti siepattiin \u2013 ja h\u00e4net n\u00e4htiin viimeksi nousemassa poliisiautoon Viantianen kadulla. Vuonna 2013 Laosin silloinen presidentti Choummaly Sayason kehotti \u201ctiukasti kontrolloimaan ryhmi\u00e4 \u2026 koska ne voivat tuhota maamme v\u00e4kivallattomin keinoin\u201d. Kuitenkin, vasta nelj\u00e4 vuotta my\u00f6hemmin, maassa uskallettiin j\u00e4lleen toivoa. Paikalliset ja ulkomaalaiset kehitysyhteisty\u00f6t\u00e4 tekev\u00e4t ihmiset kertoivat innoissaan, kuinka \u201duusia hallitus on rehellinen aikeessaan saada aikaan muutosta\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Nyt kun selaan l\u00e4pi tiiviisti kirjoitettua asetusta j\u00e4rjest\u00f6ist\u00e4, joka annettiin 2017 elokuussa, voin vain ihmetell\u00e4 kuinka turhaa muutokseen uskominen oli. Etuj\u00e4rjest\u00f6t ja ihmisoikeusj\u00e4rjest\u00f6t eiv\u00e4t kuulu mihink\u00e4\u00e4n niist\u00e4 kolmesta kategoriasta, joihin voi rekister\u00f6ity\u00e4 ja siis olla olemassa. J\u00e4rjest\u00f6t tarvitsevat kahden eri ministeri\u00f6n hyv\u00e4ksynn\u00e4n joka askeleella: perustamiseen, rahoituksen hankkimiseen ja vastaanottamiseen, kansainv\u00e4listen j\u00e4rjest\u00f6jen kanssa toimimiseen, raportointiin, jne. J\u00e4rjest\u00f6j\u00e4 s\u00e4\u00e4telev\u00e4t, valvovat ja tarkastavat kolmetoista valtion eri elint\u00e4. J\u00e4rjest\u00f6n perustaminen kest\u00e4\u00e4 parhaimmillaan 6-10 kuukautta. Erityisen hienoksi t\u00e4m\u00e4n tekee se, ett\u00e4 t\u00e4m\u00e4 lupa on voimassa vuoden kerrallaan, ja se pit\u00e4\u00e4 uusia joka vuosi.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00e4m\u00e4 kaikki tapahtuu, vaikka paikalla on kansainv\u00e4lisi\u00e4 kehitysj\u00e4rjest\u00f6j\u00e4, mukaan lukien YK, EU ja Maailmanpankki. Toisin kuin pienemm\u00e4t ja v\u00e4hemm\u00e4n vaikutusvaltaiset kehitysyhteitsy\u00f6kumppanit, jotka yritt\u00e4v\u00e4t k\u00e4ytt\u00e4\u00e4 v\u00e4h\u00e4ist\u00e4 vaikutusvaltaansa ongelman esiintuomiseen, suuremmat eiv\u00e4t tee paljoakaan. Kun ottaa huomioon Yhdysvaltojen poliittisen kriisin ja EU:n levottoman liikehdinn\u00e4n maahanmuuttokysymyksess\u00e4 sis\u00e4isine ristiriitoineen, demokratiaan pohjautuvaa kehitysmallia, johon l\u00e4ntiset kehitysyhteisty\u00f6kumppanit kannustavat, kyseenalaistetaan eneneviss\u00e4 m\u00e4\u00e4rin, my\u00f6s Laosissa. Kansalaisyhteiskuntaan kohdistettu kuriinpano Laosissa, niinkuin laajemminkin alueella, voi indikoida sit\u00e4, ett\u00e4 n\u00e4m\u00e4 alueen maat katsovat kohti Ven\u00e4j\u00e4\u00e4 tai Kiinaa vaihtoehtoisina hallintomalleina. Vaiti pysyminen kansainv\u00e4lisille kehitysj\u00e4rjest\u00f6ille saattaakin olla ainoa mahdollisuus, sill\u00e4 vaihtoehto saattaisi olla: \u201dl\u00e4htek\u00e4\u00e4 ja pit\u00e4k\u00e4\u00e4 demokratia hyv\u00e4n\u00e4nne\u201d.<\/p>\n<p><strong>This article was originally published on <a href=\"http:\/\/www.karjalainen.fi\/\">http:\/\/www.karjalainen.fi\/<\/a> on 15.2.2018<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Dr Sabaheta Ramcilovic-Suominen, Researcher, Natural Resources Institute Finland (Luke) (Finnish version below) When I for the first time found myself in Vientiane, I was searching for the city I had read about. The Vientiane I saw in the pictures and heard of in the stories \u2013 a tranquil \u2018village\u2019, with calm wide streets and &hellip;<\/p>\n<p class=\"read-more\"> <a class=\"\" href=\"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/?p=1556\"> <span class=\"screen-reader-text\">Experience: The struggle of Civil Society in Laos\/Kansalaisyhteiskunnan kamppailu Laosissa<\/span> Read More &raquo;<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":16,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14,15],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1556","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-article","category-experience"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1556","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/16"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1556"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1556\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1562,"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1556\/revisions\/1562"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1556"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1556"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.kehitystutkimus.fi\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1556"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}